Tuesday, November 5, 2019

Important Steps to Take for Earthquake Preparedness

Important Steps to Take for Earthquake Preparedness On the 100th anniversary of the Great San Francisco Earthquake of 1906, thousands of scientists, engineers and emergency management experts gathered in San Francisco for a conference. From that meeting of the minds came 10 recommended action steps for the region to take against future earthquakes. These 10 action steps apply to society at all levels, including individuals, businesses, and governments. This means that all of us who work for businesses and participate in government activities have ways to help beyond taking care of ourselves at home. This is not a checklist, but rather an outline of a permanent program. Not everyone can utilize all 10 steps, but everyone should try to carry out as many as possible. People elsewhere take part in a culture of preparedness for their regional hazard, whether they live in an area prone to hurricanes, tornados, blizzards or fires. Its different in earthquake country because the big events are rare and they occur without warning. Things on this list that may seem obvious in other places have yet to be learned in earthquake country   or, they were learned and forgotten, like the San Francisco region in the years after the 1906 quake. These action steps are crucial elements of a disaster-resilient civilization and serve 3 distinct purposes: making preparedness part of the regional culture, investing to reduce losses, and planning for recovery. Preparedness Know your risks. Study the buildings that you live in, work in or own: On what kind of ground are they sited? How might the transportation systems serving them be threatened? What seismic risks affect their lifelines? And how can they be made safer for you?Prepare to be self-sufficient. Not just your home, but your workplace too should be ready for 3 to 5 days without water, power or food. While this is the normal suggestion, FEMA suggests carrying up to 2 weeks worth of food and water.  Care for the most vulnerable. Individuals may be able to help their families and immediate neighbors, but people with special needs will need special preparations. Ensuring this necessary response for vulnerable populations and neighborhoods will take concerted, sustained action by governments.Collaborate on a regional response. Emergency responders already do this, but the effort should extend further. Government agencies and major industries must work together to help their regions prepare for ma jor earthquakes. This includes regional plans, training, and exercises as well as continuous public education. Loss Reduction Focus on dangerous buildings. Fixing buildings that are likely to collapse will save the most lives. Mitigation measures for these buildings include retrofitting, rebuilding and controlling occupancy to reduce exposure to risk. Governments and building owners, working with earthquake professionals, bear the most responsibility here.Ensure essential facilities function. Every facility needed for emergency response must be capable of not just surviving a large quake, but also remaining functional afterward. These include fire and police stations, hospitals, schools and shelters and emergency command posts. Much of this task is already a legal requirement in many states.Invest in critical infrastructure. Energy supplies, sewage, and water, roads, and bridges, rail lines and airports, dams, and levees, cellular communications the list is long of functions that must be ready for survival and quick recovery. Governments need to prioritize these and invest in retrofitting or rebuilding as much as they can while keeping a long-term perspective. Recovery Plan for regional housing. In the midst of disrupted infrastructure, uninhabitable buildings and widespread fires, displaced people will need relocation housing for both the short and the long term. Governments and major industries must plan for this in collaboration.Protect your financial recovery. Everyone   individuals, agencies, and businesses must estimate what their repair and recovery costs are likely to be after a major earthquake, then arrange a plan to cover those costs.Plan for regional economic recovery. Governments at all levels must collaborate with the insurance industry and major regional industries to ensure the provision of relief money for individuals and for communities. Timely funds are crucial for recovery, and the better the plans, the fewer mistakes will be made. Edited by Brooks Mitchell

Saturday, November 2, 2019

The Psychology Victimization of Miss Lonelyhearts Essay

The Psychology Victimization of Miss Lonelyhearts - Essay Example This paper analyzes the psychological victimization of Miss Lonelyhearts. It argues that Miss Lonelyhearts is a victim of his society, relationships, and his own spiritual and emotional disintegration, and his psychology has become too nihilistic that he could no longer feel his humanity and find meaning in his existence. Society has victimized Miss Lonelyhearts through the capitalist labor system that treat people as means to corporate ends. Capitalism has numbed Miss Lonelyhearts and made him incapable of acknowledging and responding to human suffering (Scheurich and Mullen 572). He receives many letters that range from the mundane to the terribly appalling. One letter is from a vain girl with no nose, while the other confides that his mentally-ill sister has been raped, and he does know what to do. These letters, however, are not trivial for they represent a â€Å"great mass of suffering† that have interrelated social, economic, political, and cultural dimensions (Scheurich and Mullen 573). Particularly recurrent is the demand for material goods and physical attraction. Correspondents are concerned of their physical appearance to institutions or individuals that they regard as important. People are also complaining of getting more money and not feeling that they have enough wealth to satisfy their needs, as well as others, and so life has become a means of pursuing materialist existence. Capitalism is represented in this pursuit of superficial happiness that spans physical and material needs (Bromige 4). In addition, capitalism exists in the labor markets and its dynamics. Workers like Miss Lonelyhearts are trapped in jobs that are monotonous and exploitative, but they cannot easily find new ones for lack of better job opportunities. Furthermore, their managers treat them as means to corporate ends. Shrike uses Miss Lonelyhearts as an emotional punching bag. He also demeans correspondents, because their plight is not truly important to him. Shrike fin ds joy in using people and ensuring readership for his newspaper. Different social relationships also oppress Miss Lonelyhearts. Miss Lonelyhearts is a victim of a bully at the workplace. Because of his emotionally and spiritually exhausting job, he often feels unwell and looks for means to alleviate his inner turmoil. One time, after being sick and staying in his room for three days, Betty nudges him to leave his job. Miss Lonelyhearts admits that he took the job as a joke, but the joke no longer means anything to him. Pleas for advice force him to examine his own values and conditions, and he, too, has turned into â€Å"the victim of the joke† (Bromige 3). Shrike breaks into the room and mocks him to live at the South Seas: â€Å"I take your silence to mean that you have decided against the soil. I agree with you. Such a life is too dull and laborious. Let us now consider the South Seas† (West). The South Seas represent the expanse of opportunities that are paradoxic ally not available to Miss Lonelyhearts. He can only dream about his attempt to escape his world. Miss Lonelyhearts also victimizes his own identity by not resolving his inner conflicts. He uses Betty and other people to fill his emptiness. For instance, in a vacation, he spends time with Betty, but he does not feel better afterwards. The same feeling of

Thursday, October 31, 2019

Impact of Advertising Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Impact of Advertising - Essay Example Materialistic appeal in advertising perpetuates desire to buy and consume and that is how an economy of any nation gets the necessary boost. When economy moves forward, numerous employment opportunities are created for everyone. More opportunities mean more income and that in turn, lifts living standard of society at large. After all, this has been the objective of humans since time immemorial. While materialism leads to more demand, advertising helps people in this endeavor to find newer things and consume. On consumers part, there is the continuous search to find improved products and services as made available by producers and suppliers. In this way, the interaction between consumers and marketers is a permanent affair and advertising is a strong tool to fulfilling consumers’ aspirations. Advertising has played a key role in globalization and globalization has helped conserve precious resources to produce quality goods and make them available across the globe at the lowest possible costs. Examples are Toyota, Hyundai, Honda and Mitsubishi cars they are considered not only most fuel efficient but also compact and cozy by consumers. Toyotas previous ad ‘Moving Forward’ has now changed to ‘Lets Go Places’ intimate with more exciting products. The tagline is ‘inspirational, inclusive and very versatile’ (AdvertisingAge, 2012). The past tagline between 1975 and 1979, ‘You asked for it. You got it’ made people run after Toyota cars and they became best sellers in the short period. It can be easily realized that these ads make a tremendous impact on people and prompt them to go for the best. Advertising has a tremendous capacity to change the society. While wealth creation is a necessity for the well-being of people in the society, letting people know about new creations is equally important. And it happens through advertising because it helps companies spread messages to a large section of society, whether through print or electronic media, almost instantaneously.

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Awarding, Negotiating and Administering Contracts Research Paper

Awarding, Negotiating and Administering Contracts - Research Paper Example The program could be simple or complicated even though it is supposed to specify what the performance outputs of the statement of work are supposed to be (Garrett, 2007, p. 3). At the same time, the program is supposed to define the technique used to carry out the analyses. This saves time and reserves since the COTR is not observing the ordinary, scheduled proportions of the contract, instead of the COTR is aiming of the leading outputs of the contract. The contract administration program is also supposed to contain a quality assurance (QA) monitoring plan as a subsection. This is necessary when executing the program since the advancement of such a contract plan offers a systematic outline and technique for the COTR to assess services and commodities that dealers are needed to furnish. The QA plan is supposed to aim at the value of the commodity supplied by the contractor and not on the steps taken or processes utilized in order to deliver that commodity. It comprises of suitable us age of pre-planned assessments and random spontaneous reviews (Garrett, 2007, p. 3). When a contract is allocated to administration under the watch of the government, the contract administration staff is supposed to perform contract administration roles according to the terms of the national law, and the contract expressions too. The appropriate protocols of the servicing agency should also be observed when implementing these contract roles lest else settled for in an interagency contract. Another step included when executing a contract administration program is negotiating cost changes and the implementation of auxiliary contracts beneath the cost accounting principle articles (Garrett, 2007, p. 3). Defining the appropriateness of the contractor’s accounting method makes his or her system’s adequacy in the course of the whole phase of contract performance become vital. The suitability of the accounting method of the contractor and the affiliated interior control coord ination, together with the contractor agreement with the cost accounting standards (CAS) have a huge impact on the value and legitimacy of the contractor information. As a result, the government is supposed to provide a feedback on its administration inaccuracy of the contractor and contract enactment (Murphy, 2009, p. 71). The implementation of a contract administration program also involves the analysis and assessment for practical suitability and the contractor’s logistics support, sustenance and modification agendas. The contractor ought to also report to the contracting workplace any insufficiencies noticed in details. The contractor ought to also perform industrial assessments of contractor price plans (Garrett, 2007, p. 3). The analysis and review of the contractor-suggested industrial and design researches and submit remarks and commendations to the contracting headquarters as needed. Any change plans made to the contract ought to be reviewed by the contractor for sui table categorization, and when needed, the need for practical appropriateness of design, productivity, and the effect of value, dependability, program and price. Correspondingly, the contractor is supposed to submit remarks to the contracting headquarters. The execution of the contract administration plan also involves helpful effort in assessing and creating commendations for reception on refutation of disclaimers and nonconformities (Garrett, 2007,

Sunday, October 27, 2019

Cyclone Nargis in Burma: Aid Analysis

Cyclone Nargis in Burma: Aid Analysis Introduction On May 2nd 2008 a category 3 cyclone hit the Irrawaddy delta in Southern Myanmar. Nargis, as it was named, was the worst natural disaster in Myanmars recorded history (TCG 2008). It ended up claiming the lives of almost 140,000 people in addition to displacing a further 800,000. The United Nations reported that overall the cyclone had disrupted the lives of nearly 2.4 million people (Crisis Group 2008). The Myanmar government, or the State Protection and Democracy Council (SPDC), had neither the resources nor the experience to deal with such an event and as a result, assistance from the international community was needed (Selth 2008). The purpose of this paper is to examine the aid delivered to Myanmar by various international government and civil society groups. In an attempt to do so the paper looks at the at delivery of the aid in light of the influence of international politics, the domestic policies adopted by the SPDC, international funding issues, the effectiveness of the human rights system, and issues related culture, environment and gender. Influence of International Politics One of the factors that had a significant impact on the delivery of aid to the cyclone victims was the influence international politics on the decision making process. This section of the paper takes a look at the manner in which politics determined the course of the humanitarian operation in Myanmar. First of all, it is of importance to highlight the fact that for twenty years before Nargis struck the Irrawaddy delta, Myanmar had been deprived of international aid. The international community hoped that by enforcing sanctions and trade embargos they would be able to force the military regime out of political power and bring in a more democratic government. The devastating consequence of cyclone Nargis, however, made the international governments and non government organizations realize that they had to suspend those polices temporarily in an attempt to provide the much needed humanitarian aid to the victims. (Crisis Group 2008) Unfortunately, for several weeks the SPDC continued to hinder the international humanitarian operation. They insisted upon delivering aid themselves with as little help from overseas as possible. They blocked access to the affected region and refused to grant visas to international aid workers (Selth 2008). They also prevented French, UK and US aid vessels from entering Myanmar territory. Despite the fact that these ships were carrying supplies to feed and shelter the survivors, the junta feared that the humanitarian operation could be used as a pretense to overthrow their government. Consequently the aid vessels, which the SPDC viewed as warships, were left anchored in international waters for weeks awaiting permission to unload the much need supplies, before they went back. (Stover and Vinck 2008) This pattern of events prompted several European countries to view the SPDCs response to the disaster as a crime against humanity. They accused the SPDC of having had inadequate aid measures in place and its continued rejection of aid from abroad was considered to be a deliberate disregard for the citizens of Myanmar (Crisis Group 2008). Therefore, the French government, with the support of the British and US governments, requested the UN Security Council to authorize the Responsibility to Protect  doctrine for the purpose of delivering aid to the victims by force if necessary (Belanger and Horsey 2008). However, Chinese and Russian governments rejected the proposal based on the fact that the doctrine did not apply to natural disasters and as a result was not sanctioned by the Security Council (Selth 2008). Eventually signs of cooperation between the SPDC and the international community began to emerge. First there was a meeting between the Foreign Ministers of the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), where it was established that aid could be delivered to the region through ASEAN representatives. Next, at a meeting between UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Senior General Than Shwe in Naypyitaw it was agreed that the SPDC would allow international aid workers full access to the disaster sites. As an outcome of these two meetings the SPDC along with representative from the UN and ASEAN set up the Tripartite Core Group (TCG), as a means to coordinate the cooperative relief effort. (ALTSEAN 2008) Domestic Policies Even after granting visas to the aid workers, the SPDC implemented certain domestic policies that hindered the international relief effort. An example of such a deterring policy is the confinement of international aid workers to the immediate Yangon area. As a result of this policy, foreign staff members distributing relief materials and food donated by the international community could only work from Yangon region. They had to rely on the junta to distribute it outside the city borders. In addition, the junta also set up road blocks preventing access to the affected areas in an attempt to further restrict the movements of international aid workers. (ALTSEAN 2008) Additionally the SPDC was cautious of the types of materials they allowed to be brought in as aid. They prevented aid agencies from delivering any materials that could be used by the survivors to gain access to outside world. As a result, the SPDC banned the import and use of communication equipments unless purchased from the government, at a price of $1,500 per phone. Each agency was allowed purchase a maximum of ten phones. Furthermore, the SPDC did not allow aid agencies to import vehicles or machinery from abroad either. An offer by the British government to provide the SPDC with equipment capable of unloading planes faster was turned down. As a result, because of these policies adopted by the SPDC, the delivery of aid was not only slow and delayed but huge quantities of relief supplies ended up in Yangon warehouses as confiscated items instead of being delivered to the victims. (ALTSEAN 2008) Another major criticism of SPDC domestic policies was the fact that they conducted the constitutional referendum despite the cyclone disaster. The purpose of the election was to legitimize the authority of the junta. As a result they went ahead with the elections amidst widespread disapproval. Even though, the junta postponed the referendum in the cyclone affected areas they went ahead with the elections the in other regions (Selth 2008). Consequently, the SPDC had to commit the limited resources it had to the referendum which diverted the much needed attention away from delivering aid to those affected by the cyclone. In addition the SPDC forcefully evicted many of the survivors from both government and unofficial shelters for the purpose of conducting the referendum. For example, the SPDC evicted around 90 people from a hall in Yangon so that the hall could be used as a polling station (Amnesty International 2008). Therefore, international politics combined with domestic policies ensured that the delivery of aid for the victims of Nargis was not an easy matter. To complicate things further the international community faced certain funding issues as well. The next section of the paper takes a closer look at those issues. International Funding Issues Aside from the onsite hindrances of delivering aid the international aid agencies had issues related to raising adequate funds. During the initial emergency response the World Food Program (WFP) estimated that the daily aid delivered to the victims was only one third of the required amount (ALTSEAN 2008). A year later half a million people are still without proper housing and 350,000 people require food donations from the World Food Program (Solomon 2009). The original Myanmar Cyclone Flash Appeal had requested for 187.3 million dollars for the rebuilding effort. However, after a more comprehensive assessment of the affected area and the victims a revised Flash Appeal requesting $481 million was launched (UN 2008). Unfortunately, during the emergency phase of the operation, international aid agencies were able to raise only 66 percent of that amount. Similarly, of the nearly $700 million required for the three years Post-Nargis Recovery and Preparedness Plan (PONREPP), initiated by the SPDC in association with ASEAN and the UN, only $100 million had been pledged by donor countries (Mungpi 2009). The lack of adequate funding drastically reduced the rate at which aid was being delivered to those in need. Despite the obvious need for additional funding, international aid agencies were unable to accumulate funding the way in which they did during the 2004 Asian Tsunami. One of the major reasons for this was the reluctance of governments to provide additional funding to military junta. They feared that their donations were being diverted away from the victims and were being used to strengthen the military regime instead. Such fears were reaffirmed by evidence of aid being stolen and redirected by the SPDC. For example, the first two WFP planes carrying food into Myanmar were seized by the government upon arrival. The WFP responded by suspending their flights to Myanmar, however, in light of the extent of the humanitarian crisis the WFP realized that they had to resume the flights and send aid irrespective of fact that it might get sized again. In addition there were reports of incidents where the victims being made to pay for the relief items. In some cases the government agents forced the survivors to vote Yes  in the referendum before giving them their aid supplies. Survivors were also reportedly given rotten, low quality food instead of the nutrition-rich biscuits that the international donors had sent. Instead, these items ended up being sold in the markets along with the rice and oil donated by international organizations. To counter these accusations SPDC issued a warning to take legal action against anyone caught stealing relief supplies. However, the threat never materialized, and as a result reports of stolen and missing aid continued to appear, which further discouraged international donors and caused additional funding issues for the aid agencies. (ALTSEAN 2008) The implementation of the human rights system According to an international system of human rights, in the event of a natural disaster, every individual has the right to be given protection from natural hazards, evacuate if necessary and be given access to adequate quantities of food, shelter, and medicine. It is the national authoritys responsibility to provide these services; however, in cases where the authority is either unable or unwilling to provide these services the international community has a humanitarian obligation to deliver the aid instead (Caritas 2008). It was this system of human rights that was used by the international community to aid the victims of Cyclone Nargis in Myanmar. Facing numerous previously mentioned SPDC created obstacles the UN Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on June 18 condemning the continued violation of the rights of the cyclone survivors. The resolution demanded that the SPDC allow aid workers immediate, full and unhindered access  to the Irrawaddy delta and stop forcing t he survivors to return to their cyclone affected village homes where access to emergency relief was inadequate. (Akimoto 2008) However, a year later international relief workers still find it difficult to get visas for Myanmar. Those that do get the in are only allowed a limited period of time to work in the Irrawaddy delta (Solomon 2009). Furthermore, since declaring the end of the rescue and relief phase of the cyclone Nargis response on 20 May 2008 the SPDC ordered increasing number of traumatized cyclone victims to return to their homes despite the fact that they no to access to food, shelter or other aid supplies in those villages (Amnesty International 2008). Therefore, even though it was through the human rights system that the international community was able to provide assistance to the survivors, the domestic policies adopted by the military junta greatly diminished the effectiveness of its application. Many of these domestic policies that hindered the delivery of aid to the victims of the cyclone resulted from certain cultural beliefs that the military junta has. The next section of the paper takes a look at some of these cultural issues that have made delivering aid difficult. Cultural Issues One of the major cultural issues that made the process of restoring the Irrawaddy delta immensely difficult is rooted in the isolationist principles of the military junta. Since the 1960s the government of Myanmar endorsed a self-reliance doctrine where they believed that their nation and citizens would do better if left on their own. Consequently they avoided accepting assistance from abroad even if caused more hardships (Belanger and Horsey 2008: 2). This belief was a major factor behind the initial denial of international assistance. This tradition of self reliance also resulted in the survivors being prematurely sent back to their cyclone devastated homes. Just after a month after the cyclone, the government declared that the survivors had to return to their villages and resume their way of living. According to the SPDC, cyclone victims would otherwise become too dependent on relief from international donors and not be productive enough to support themselves. In some cases, the government forcibly evicted people from their shelters and sent them back to their villages by the use of force. In Yangon, for example, the military reportedly threatened to shoot those that would not return to their villages. (Shwe 2008) Another major cultural issue within Myanmar stems from the fact it is a multi-ethnic country with several groups in conflict with one another. Even the delta region is home to a number of different ethnic groups with the Bamar being the dominant group in the region followed by the Karen and then the Rakhaing. As a result the international aid agencies had to ensure that no particular ethnic group was given preferential treatment or overlooked during the operation. Otherwise intergroup tensions worsened the already strained relations between the various ethnic groups. On the other hand aid through an equitable and non-sectarian delivery of aid the aid agencies were able to make different groups together. (TCG 2008) Environmental Issues Environmental issues also presented themselves as factors that needed to be considered by the aid agencies. Due to the damages caused by the cyclone the local environment in the Irrawaddy delta created severe health issues for the survivors. The contamination of the ponds and lakes, used by villagers as drinking water, with sea water and dead bodies spread dengue fever, diarrhea and dysentery across the region. Despite efforts by the government and international medical groups the damage done to the local environment, continued to create serious health concerns for the survivors. (Shwe 2008) Aside from causing physical harm, environmental damages placed a severe strain on the economic wellbeing of an already impoverished society. The fact that the majority of the victims of Nargis belonged to rural societies they relied on agriculture as their main source of income. In addition the delta region also produced a major portion of the countries of food supply. Therefore, the destruction of the agricultural sector meant that not only were the residents of the Irrawaddy to suffer severe economic hardships, but the entire country would have food shortages for several years unless the aid agencies addressed the issue. Therefore, the rehabilitation of the region, expected to cost $11 billion, remains a top priority for aid agencies (TCG 2008) A third environment related issue is associated with the loss of the mangrove forests in the region. The spread of shrimp farms and rice paddies for over a period of ten years resulted in the loss of significant portion of the mangrove covering. The presence of the mangrove forest would have reduced the extent of the damage caused by Nargis (TCG 2008). Consequently the IUCN suggested that once the emergency aid had been provided, the government and other organizations needed to restore the mangrove forest and other coastal ecosystem in order to avoid future devastations caused by cyclones. (IUCN 2008) Gender Issues According to a report published by the TCG, 61 percent of those that died in the cyclone were women, with the number being even higher in certain villages. Furthermore, the majority of the women that died were aged between the 18-60 years, the age group that is the most the productive and reproductive. Therefore, the cyclone created a gender imbalance in the delta region which in turn created several issues for the aid agencies (TCG 2008). This section of the paper takes a look at some of the gender issues created by Nargis, particularly the ones related to division of labor, migration of women into cities and the overall difference in needs of men and women in the aftermath of a natural disaster. First of all Nargis caused a shift in the division of labor among men and women. The death of the female members of the household meant that the men had to take on responsibilities that were traditionally reserved for women, such as cooking and childcare. Similarly, in families where the men died women had to take on the responsibility of earning money in addition to their previous roles. As a result it created additional burden for the widows and widowers and prevented them from performing other duties and as such had to be treated as among the most vulnerable groups in the community (TCG 2009) Another gender related issue created by the cyclone involves women migrating from the rural sectors to the urban regions. The devastation to the region that Nargis caused left unmarried women with very limited opportunities to earn a living. As a result many were prompted to leave their villages and look for work in the city. Once in the city, these women, with no experience of life outside their village, became easy targets for exploitation, forced labor, prostitution and trafficking. (TCG 2008) Finally aid agencies had to implement different aid mechanisms for the men and women of the delta region who experienced the natural disaster in different ways and as such needed to be looked upon as separate interest groups with specific needs, limitations and abilities. Due to cultural and social restrictions women, comparatively, have fewer opportunities to improve their conditions on their own. As a result the aid agencies, helping women recover, needed to provide services that allowed women to improve their ability to participate in activities and decision making processes. (TCG 2008) Conclusion Therefore, it can be seen from this paper that the delivery of aid to a country devastated by a natural disaster requires the consideration of a variety of factors. In the case of Nargis wrecking the Irrawaddy delta in Myanmar, the international community had to deal with a military government intent on hindering the aid effort. After having convinced the SPDC to let international aid workers enter Myanmar the aid agencies faced additional difficulties due to the domestic policies. Moreover, with the junta diverting and stealing aid the availability of international funds became an issue as well. Despite, having had used the international system of human rights to initiate the delivery of aid to the affected groups, the overall international response was not as effective in preventing the violation of the survivors human rights. Cultural, environmental and gender issues inside the Irrawaddy delta complicated matters further; illustrating the complexity of the delivering aid to an isolated developing country struggling to cope with a natural disaster. Reference Akimoto, Y. (2008) Post Nargis Analysis: The other side of the Story  [http://www.dhf.uu.se/pdffiler/burma_post_nargi_analysis.pdf] ALTSEAN (2008) SPDC turns disaster into catastrophe [http://www.altsean.org/Docs/PDF%20Format/Thematic%20Briefers/SPDC%20turns%20disaster%20into%20catastrophe.pdf] Amnesty International (2008) Myanmar Briefing: Human rights concerns a month after Cyclone Nargis [http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/ASA16/013/2008/en/8592e938-32e5-11dd-863f-e9cd398f74da/asa160132008eng.html] Belanger, J. and R. Horsey (2008), Negotiating humanitarian access to cyclone-affected areas of Myanmar: a review  Humanitarian Exchange 41 Caritas Australia (2008) Burma Cyclone Nargis Humanitarian analysis [http://www.caritas.org.au/AM/Template.cfm?Section=Caritas_policy_documents_PDFsTemplate=/CM/ContentDisplay.cfmContentID=4006] Crisis Group (2008) Burma/Myanmar After Nargis: Time to Normalize relations  Asia Report 161 IUCN (2008) Restoring natural habitats in Myanmar a reconstruction priority  IUCN Press release May 23, 2008, Geneva [http://www.ddrn.dk/filer/forum/File/IUCN_Myanmar_press_statement.pdf] Mungpi (2009) Global support for cyclone victims not sufficient: UN  Mizzima [http://www.mizzima.com/nargis-impact/one-year-after-nargis/2063-global-support-for-cyclone-victims-not-sufficient-un.html] Selth, A. (2008) ËÅ"Burma and the Threat of Invasion: Regime Fantasy or Strategic Reality?, Griffith Asia Institutes Regional Outlook Paper 17 Shwe, K. (2008) An Alternative Assessment of the Humanitarian Assistance in the Irrawaddy Delta Situation after 60 days [http://www.cohre.org/store/attachments/Cyclone%20Nargis%20-%20Alternative%20assessment.pdf] Solomon (2009) A year on, Nargis victims still lack adequate support  Mizzima [http://www.mizzima.com/nargis-impact/one-year-after-nargis/2042-a-year-on-nargis-victims-still-lack-adequate-support.html] Stover, E. and P. Vinck (2008) Cyclone Nargis and the Politics of Relief and Reconstruction Aid in Burma (Myanmar)  JAMA 30(6): 729-731 TCG (2008) Post-Nargis Joint Assessment  [http://www.aseansec.org/21765.pdf] TCG (2009) Post-Nargis Social Impacts Monitoring  [http://www.aseansec.org/CN-SocialImpactMonitoring-November08.pdf] UN (2008) Myanmar Revised Appeal: Cyclone Nargis Response Plan Consolidated Appeal  [http://ochadms.unog.ch/quickplace/cap/main.nsf/h_Index/Revision_2008_Myanmar_FA/$FILE/Revision_2008_Myanmar_FA_VOL1_SCREEN.pdf?OpenElement]

Friday, October 25, 2019

The Softer Side of Catullus Exposed in Poem 5 Essay -- Catullus

The Softer Side of Catullus Exposed in Poem 5 This paper begins by discussing Catullus’ genuine love of life as expressed in poem 5 and introduced in the first line. It considers poem 5 as rather less cynical than many of Catullus’ others, and therefore uniquely revealing. It then examines the first triad, which expresses defiance of convention, and the second, which expresses the brevity of life and the urgency of love. The enumeration of kisses is then discussed in particular detail with comparisons to poems 7 and 48. Finally, it shows that Catullus’ usual cynicism, which is missing throughout most of the poem, appears just at the end, displaying Catullus’ ingenuity. Though he is indeed a cynic, Catullus seems to express in general a love of life and an eagerness to experience it. He feels the futility of being human, yet he longs to be human, to feel all the joys and pains of being alive. Ultimately he sees love and life as wondrous, beautiful things. In few other poems is this view expressed as well as in poem 5. An idealized picture of furtive love, poem 5 presents a young, budding romance between Catullus and the infamous Lesbia. It is has many common characteristics of new love: it is rebellious in its attitude toward those who disapprove, urgent in its perception of time, charming and innocent in its request for kisses. Composed â€Å"at an early stage in Catullus’ love affair with Lesbia† (Goold 237), poem 5 opens with the words vivamus and amemus. These two words, meaning â€Å"let us live† and â€Å"let us love,† characterize Catullus in a way that few other poems do so well, revealing who he is when lets down the guard of cynicism. Indeed, poem 5 seems to be one of the less cynical and more honest of Catullus’ poems. The ... ...us. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1989. Goold, G. P. Catullus. London: Duckworth, 1983. Hart-Davies, T. Catullus. London: C. Kegan & Co., 1879. Kelly, Walter K. The Poems of Catullus and Tibullus. London: G. Bell and Sons, ltd., 1919. Lamb, George. The Poems of Caius Valerius Catullus, vol. 1. London: John Murray, 1821. Merrill, E. T. Catullus. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1893. Additional Works Consulted Hornblower, Simon, and Anthony Spawforth, eds. The Oxford Classical Dictionary. 3rd ed. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999. Lee, Guy. Catullus: the Complete Poems. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1998. Lewis, Charlton T. An Elementary Latin Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1981. McMarren, Vincent P. A Critical Concordance to Catullus. Leiden: Brill, 1977. Perseus Digital Library. Ed. Gregory Crane. Tufts University. 20 March 2003 .

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Matrix Movie Review

Brad Davies Sociology 11:00-12:15 a. m. MW 2/20/2010 Swanson Movie Paper 1) In the movie The Matrix, Keanu reeve stars as a character whose world is based on a futuristic reality. This fact plays the role to why this movie demonstrates social imagination. The basis is that the individuals in the movie have to be aware of their enemies, the machines and artificial intelligence. Social imagination is also expressed through the virtual reality the humans go into where they have certain advantages that they wouldn’t have in the real world.The environment determines the reality of the characters in many ways. In The Matrix, that was created by computers to limit and reduce the human population, reeves character forms a rebellion against the machines with others who escaped the cyber world. When he enters the matrix, he continues his constant struggle with Agent Smith, a virtual character created by the machines to destroy Reeves. These, I believe, are good examples of the social im agination. ) The deception of this movie is that the future, many movie producers believe, we humans will be at some sort of worldwide war with artificial intelligence.Along with the characters in the movie, the writers, producers, and directors are the ones who created this deception. The Matrix, which is the â€Å"fake reality†, is created through the minds of the characters by the means of technology. The advancement in technology that the movie portrays is the basis behind the â€Å"artificial reality. I believe, after viewing the movie, the main characters figure out the difference between fact and fiction by simply going through the metamorphous of the real world and the matrix. I feel that the reality of this movie is the possibility that the future of the humans may indeed involve a conflict with machines, artificial intelligence, and/or the entire cyber world. 3) Yes, I do believe that it is possible to create a separate reality in our minds. People do this every da y through hypnosis.When people go â€Å"under† and it is said that their conscious minds are released. This is done so that we can escape our very stressful, worrisome, everyday lives. Our minds are endless and we go through hypnosis, we can explore the unexplored of our inner-conscious. When it comes to create a â€Å"fake reality† like the matrix in our minds and live in it, I don’t think it’s possible, without the help of some sort of machine or computer basis. I’m sure some people try to do this, but nothing can compare to the reality portrayed in the movie. )I did like The Matrix, along with the rest of the trilogy, because of the Sci-fi, fictional baseline. It is pretty cool to think about what it would be like if we could actually hook up to a computer and travel into a different world. This assignment was pretty tricky and I really hope that I nailed all the key points and that my examples make sense and go along with the questions. I think the class is going fairly well so far. Can’t go wrong with learning new things every day!